Police in Israel Grapple with a Mafia Gang War

Until the moment a bomb planted on his car exploded on a Tel Aviv street, mob boss Yaakov Alperon was living large. He and his Carmela Soprano-blond wife, Ahuva, were media darlings who even took part in a 2006 reality show in which a famous Israeli model moved in with their family.
But as he stood over his father’s grave, one of her sons appeared to have vengeance on his mind: “I will send back that person to God,” he said. “He won’t have a grave because I’ll cut off his hands, head and body.”
Israelis are fond of saying they “live in a rough neighborhood.” But chances are they aren’t talking about what’s been happening recently in this country of 7 million.
“In many respects we are losing the battle,” said Menachem Amir, a criminology professor at Hebrew University.
Organized crime blossomed here in the 1980s and ’90s while security forces were focused on Palestinian terrorist threats. By the time Israeli authorities truly began to grapple with the problem a few years ago, they faced a sophisticated global network of gambling, prostitution and drug trafficking, with Los Angeles as one of its hubs.
Court documents and interviews with Israeli law enforcement officials give glimpses of a criminal tapestry that includes an assassination in Encino, alliances with violent L.A. gangs and the establishment of an Israeli-directed drug pipeline from Europe straight to Los Angeles and Las Vegas.
Israeli law enforcement officials admit they’ve been caught flat-footed and are scrambling to catch up, using increased surveillance, tougher laws and partnerships with more experienced agencies in the U.S. and Europe.
“We’re about five years behind the criminals,” said Arye Livneh, head of the government’s newly created witness protection program, which won’t even begin protecting prospective mob informants until next summer. “This is a tiny place. It’s not easy to hide someone in Israel.”
Israel is a heavily militarized country where weapons flow freely. While the intelligence agencies and army vigilantly watch the borders for Palestinians intent on carrying out attacks, Israeli criminals use the country’s tightknit social connections to steal guns, explosives and antitank missiles from the army.
“Why would you bother smuggling weapons into Israel?” Amir said. “Everybody has weapons.”
The country’s mandatory military service also produces a uniquely trained recruiting pool for the mafia. Amir Mulner, a reputed mob boss and explosives expert, reportedly learned his lethal skills in the army.
“A lot of Israelis, they get out of the army and they don’t have a job. They’re for hire,” said Amir, the criminology professor.
Now the Israelis, with help from their American counterparts, say they’re gaining ground. In August, police in Jerusalem arrested reputed mob boss Itzhak “Big Friend” Abergil and his brother Meir on drug-trafficking and other racketeering charges, filed by the U.S. attorney’s office in Los Angeles. The pair await extradition to the States for trial.
Israeli officials hail the Abergil case as proof that they’re making strides in dealing with local mafiosi, and developing sophisticated global approaches to combat sophisticated global criminals.
“These cases require a lot more work and a lot more creativity,” said Gal Levertov, director of the department of international affairs in the Israeli state attorney’s office. “We’re trying to cope with this new global phenomenon.”
The Abergil trial should be the latest test for a legal template established in the 2006 prosecution of former ecstasy drug kingpin Zeev Rosenstein. In a precedent-setting arrangement, Rosenstein was charged in America, arrested in Israel and extradited, sentenced to 12 years in prison, then shipped back to Israel to serve his time.
After Rosenstein’s arrest, police spokesman Micky Rosenfeld told reporters that the country’s law enforcement agencies were beginning to turn the tide against the mafia.










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